On the nature of escapable relative islands

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It is generally assumed that universal island constraints block extraction from relative clauses. However, it is well-known that such extractions can be acceptable in the Scandinavian languages. Kush & Lindahl (2011) argue that the acceptability in Swedish is illusory; relative clauses that allow extraction have a different structure (small clause structure) from those that block extraction (true relatives, CPs). We present data from an acceptability survey of relative clause extraction in Danish. In the survey, extraction significantly decreased acceptability but we found no statistically significant effect of the ability of the verb to take a small-clause complement. We also found no difference between som ‘that/who/which’ and der ‘that/who/which’, both of which can head a relative clause while only som can head a small clause. We argue that our results do not warrant the stipulation of a structural contrast between acceptable and unacceptable extractions, and that variation in acceptability stems from processing.
Original languageEnglish
JournalNordic Journal of Linguistics
Volume37
Issue1
Pages (from-to)29-45
Number of pages17
ISSN0332-5865
DOIs
Publication statusPublished - 2014

    Research areas

  • Acceptability, Danish, Extraction, Island, Relative Clauses, Small clauses, Swedish, Syntax, Experimental linguistics

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