Islands with bridges? Extraction from adjunct clauses in Danish

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We present data from a series of acceptability
judgement experiments on extraction from three types of finite adjunct clauses in
Danish: relativization with and without supporting context, and topicalization with
context. The results revealed a strikingly stable
pattern: Extractions from temporal and causal clauses are significantly less
acceptable than extractions from conditionals, which are significantly less
acceptable than extractions from complement clauses. We shall argue
that adjunct clauses are not strong islands in Danish, and that the variation in the
acceptability ratings across constructions and languages depends on extrasyntactic factors.
Original languageEnglish
Publication date2022
Publication statusPublished - 2022
EventLinguistic Evidence 2022 - Université de Paris, Paris, France
Duration: 6 Oct 20228 Oct 2022


ConferenceLinguistic Evidence 2022
LocationUniversité de Paris
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